Nozick: free protection services for all?

Below is Part 30 of my review of “Anarchy, State, and Utopia”, which covers the sixth subsection of Chapter 5 (pp. 110-113), where I review — and rip apart — Nozick’s solution the problem of risky independents.

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To his credit, Nozick recognizes the reciprocal nature of the relationship between private protection agencies and independents in the sixth subsection of Chapter 5 (pp. 110-113). Specifically, if a protection agency decides to prohibit independents from exercising their right of self-help against due-paying members of the agency (on the pretext that the guilt-finding procedures of independents are unreliable and unfair), such a prohibition would impose a significant disadvantage on independents. So, what is to be done? In a word: compensation.

In summary, Nozick re-introduces his principle of compensation from Chapter 4 of ASU (p. 110, emphasis added by us): “The clients of the protection agency, then, must compensate the independents for the disadvantages imposed upon them by being prohibited self-help enforcement of their own [natural] rights against the agency’s clients.” So far, so good. But, alas, to make this scheme workable, Nozick qualifies his compensation principle in a major…

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Monopolies in the state of nature?

I am reblogging Part 29 of my in-depth review of “Anarchy, State, and Utopia”, which covers the fifth subsection of Chapter 5 of ASU (pp. 108-110). Previously, Nozick had conjectured that a single private protection association would end up becoming the “dominant” one in the state of nature. Here, he further conjectures that this dominant agency will claim a “de facto monopoly” over the use of force against its own members — i.e. it will not allow any independent or non-member — or any other protection agency, for that matter — to punish its own due-paying members.

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Nozick appears to equivocate in the fifth subsection of Chapter 5 (pp. 108-110). He now claims that everyone has procedural rights (p. 108): “Everyone has the [natural] right to defend against procedures that are in fact not, or not known to be, both reliable and fair.” But as we noted in a previous post (2 Jan 2018), this claim raises a whole new set of complicated questions — questions that the natural law tradition, unfortunately, are unable to answer. In particular, since no guilt-finding procedure will be perfect, what level of imperfection is consistent with fairness and reliability? Nozick also makes another extraordinary conjecture in the fifth subsection of Chapter 5. In brief, building on his earlier conclusion (from Chapter 2 of ASU) that a single private protection agency will end up becoming the “dominant” one in the state of nature, Nozick now further conjectures that this dominant agency will…

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Nozick on natural rights and knowledge

I am reblogging Part 28 of my extended review of “Anarchy, State, and Utopia”! The post below covers the fourth subsection of Chapter 5 (pp. 101-108), where Nozick further reflects on the uncertain status of procedural rights in the state of nature. In brief, although Nozick’s basic premise is that “individuals have rights”, he is ambivalent about the moral status of procedural rights in the state of nature.

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Do individuals have procedural rights in the state of nature? (Or conversely, do victims of harms or their allies have a moral duty to use only “fair and reliable” guilt-finding procedures before imposing any punishment on wrongdoers? Aren’t both formulations of this question the same?) Surprisingly (to us), although Nozick is prepared to announce that “individuals have rights”, he is ambivalent about the moral status of procedural rights in the state of nature! Nozick is considering interactions between “independents” and private protection agencies in the fourth subsection of Chapter 5 (pp. 101-108). More precisely, what if a due-paying member of a protection agency has committed a wrongful act against an independent? May the protection agency prohibit the independent from enforcing his rights? Suffice it to say that Nozick has trouble answering this question because of the uncertain status of procedural rights in the state of nature.

Nevertheless, in the course…

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Procedural rights and probabilities in the state of nature

I am reblogging Part 28 of my in-depth review of “Anarchy, State, and Utopia”, which covers the third subsection of Chapter 5 of ASU (pp. 96-101). There, Nozick identifies a major gap in natural law theory. (Suffice it to say, this is Nozick at his best!)

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New year … same ol’ blog, so let’s continue with our review of Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Nozick identifies a major gap in natural law theory in the third subsection of Chapter 5 (pp. 96-101). Nozick sums up this enormous gap or gaping hole in natural law in a single eloquent and memorable sentence (p. 101): “The natural rights tradition offers little guidance on precisely what one’s procedural rights are in a state of nature …” This is not only a frank and intellectually honest conclusion; it is a damning one, especially for those of us (myself included) who believe in natural law and in the natural rights tradition.

But why is Nozick’s frank and stark conclusion so significant? Because as Nozick notes on pp. 91-101 of ASU, the scope of the right to self-defense depends on what procedural rights one has. Although we might all agree that one…

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The principle of fairness is not fair

I am reblogging Part 27 of my in-depth review of Robert Nozick’s “Anarchy, State, and Utopia”! The post below covers the second subsection of Chapter 5 of ASU (pp. 90-95), where Nozick presents one of his most memorable thought experiments.

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Clarification (June 11, 2020): I wrote and posted this part of my extended review of Nozick’s classic book “Anarchy, State, and Utopia” back in December of 2017. Recently, however, one of my readers brought to my attention that Robert Nozick’s critique of Rawls’s “fairness principle” is based on a misconception (by Nozick himself no less!) of Rawls–namely, that Nozick is wrong to assume that Rawls’ principle of fairness implies “group rights” or “collective rights.” Based on our back and forth in the comments section below, I was persuaded that my reader’s diagnosis is correct, so please keep this in mind (i.e. that Rawls’s principle of fairness need not imply group or collective rights) when you read my original December 2017 blog post below.

* * *

The second subsection of Chapter 5 of ASU (pp. 90-95) marks, to us, a critical turning point in the history of ideas. It is…

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Nozick and the problem of risky independents

I am resuming my in-depth review of Robert Nozick’s “Anarchy, State, and Utopia” — so welcome back! The post below is Part 26 of my series, and it covers the first subsection of Chapter 5 of ASU (pp. 88-90), where Nozick explores the problem of “risky independents” — i.e. individuals who are not members of a private protection agency in Nozick’s state of nature. Here, Nozick concludes that protection rackets do not have the right to prohibit a “risky independent” from enforcing his own rights because “the legitimate powers of a protective association are merely the sum of the individual rights that its members or clients transfer to the association” (p. 89).

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Nozick addresses a very intriguing question in the first subsection of Chapter 5 of ASU (pp. 88-90): when does a private protection agency in a (Lockean) state of nature have the moral right to prohibit a non-member from enforcing his natural rights? After all, according to Nozick, not only does every person have rights; every person also has the right to enforce his rights. But enforcement can be a risky business. What if, for example, a non-member uses enforcement procedures that are too risky or dangerous? Or, in the words of Nozick (p. 88): “An independent might be prohibited from privately exacting justice because his [enforcement] procedure is known to be too risky and dangerous–that is, it involves a higher risk (than another procedure) of punishing an innocent person or overpunishing a guilty one …” We call this the problem of risky independents.

Without getting bogged down in the details…

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Who’s next? (U.S. News rankings fraud update)

You may be aware that some fraction of academic research is based entirely on fabricated data — a problem that I spotlight in my 2017 paper “Legal Liability for Data Fraud” — but how much of the popular college and university rankings of U.S. News & World Report is also based on fraud? (U.S. News & World Report publishes an annual set of rankings of colleges, professional schools, and graduate programs, and it even bills itself as a “leader in college, grad school, hospital, mutual fund, and car rankings” — see here, for example.)

Last spring, Moshe Porat, the disgraced former dean of Temple University’s Fox School of Business, became the first university administrator in North America to be criminally prosecuted for sending fake data to the editors of the U.S. News & World Report, and last week, he was finally convicted of wire fraud and conspiracy by a jury in Philadelphia. According to this report in the Philadelphia Inquirer, it took the jury less than an hour to conclude that Porat, along with two of his subordinates, were guilty of sending fake data about his school’s online MBA program to U.S. News.

The more important question, however, is, Who’s next? In other words, was Moshe Porat just one bad apple, or is he representative of a broader problem with U.S. News & World Report’s ranking methods beauty contest? Either way, shouldn’t U.S. News itself be legally liable for publishing rankings based on fake data?

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Emoji Census

Have you ever wondered what are the most frequently used “emoji” images in the online world? If so, then check out this fascinating report by Jennifer Daniel on “The Most Frequently Used Emoji of 2021”. Ms Daniel, the chairwoman of the Unicode Emoji Subcommittee, breaks down emoji use into nine separate categories, and at last count, there are 3,663 individual emoji images overall, but of these, “the top 100 emoji comprise ~82% of total emoji shares”.

Graphic by Toph Tucker updated with 2021 data by Alexander Robertson.
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Giving Nozick a taste of his own medicine

Continuing with my in-depth analysis of Roberty Nozick’s “Anarchy, State, and Utopia”, I am reblogging Part 25 of my review, which covers the last subsection of Chapter 4 of Nozick’s book (pp. 84-87). There, Nozick explores the problem of threats, including blackmail. The problem with Nozick’s analysis, however, is that he fails to see the reciprocal nature of the problem of blackmail. Moreover, thus far, four chapters into Nozick’s book, we have very little to show for our efforts. I am still waiting for Nozick to tell us what rights individuals actually have in the state of nature and how such rights are to be enforced when they collide. I will nevertheless press on and proceed to Chapter 5 of “Anarchy, State, and Utopia” in the next day or two.

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Nozick valiantly tries (alas, without success) to solve the stubborn problems of blackmail and criminal threats in the last subsection of Chapter 4 (pp. 84-87) of Anarchy, State, and Utopia. How? By drawing a distinction between positive-sum, value-producing “productive exchanges” (in which both parties are made better off by the exchange) and negative-sum, value-destroying “non-productive exchanges” (in which only one of the parties is made better off by the exchange). Although this familiar game-theoretic distinction is intuitively appealing, it is not of much help in the case of blackmail. After all, just because a victim of blackmail may feel betrayed and exploited by a blackmailer’s threat to reveal the victim’s secrets, the victim does, in fact, receive something of value if he pays the blackmailer: the latter’s silence. Worse yet, Nozick neglects the reciprocal nature of the blackmail problem: if the blackmail victim had not engaged in disgraceful conduct…

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Nozick on reciprocal risks

Part 24 of my review of Nozick’s “Anarchy, State, and Utopia” (which I am reblogging below) covers the next-to-last subsection of Chapter 4 of ASU (pp. 78-84). There, Nozick expounds on the problem of reciprocal risks and offers a tentative solution. The problem is that, if we forbid X, where X is a poor man, from engaging in a risk-producing activity because he is unable to pay compensation when someone is injured, this prohibition imposes a harm on X because we are restricting his freedom of action, but at the same time, if we allow X to engage in risky activities, this permissive stance imposes a harm on X’s potential victims, since the victims will receive little or no compensation … So, what is to be done? For his part, Nozick offers an original way out of this reciprocal dilemma: X must be forbidden from engaging in risk-producing activities, but X must receive compensation in exchange for this restriction on X’s liberty, or in Nozick’s words (p. 81), “those who forbid in order to gain increased security for themselves must compensate the person forbidden for the disadvantage they place him under.”

As an aside, doesn’t Nozick’s analysis of reciprocal risks sound familiar? Specifically, if we are going to forbid people from leaving their homes to stop the spread of the Wuhan lab-leak virus, aren’t those people owed some form of compensation for this restriction of their liberty?

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In our previous post, we saw Nozick’s “limited compensation rule” for risk-producing activities: in a state of nature, such activities should be allowed, but compensation must be paid if the risk materializes and a third party is injured by the risky activity. But what about the poor man problem? What if the person engaged in the risky activity is so poor that he is unable to pay compensation? Should he be prohibited from engaging in the risky activity in the first place? Nozick will address these questions in the next to last subsection of Chapter 4 (pp. 78-84).

To begin with, Nozick recognizes the reciprocal nature of the poor man problem. Simply put, if we forbid a poor man from engaging in a risk-producing activity because he is unable to pay compensation when someone is injured, this prohibition imposes a harm on the poor man because we are…

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