Introduction to my Domestic Constitutional Violence paper

Happy Friday! Below are the first two paragraphs of my latest paper “Domestic Constitutional Violence,” which is now available here via SSRN (the footnotes are below the fold):

“We often associate violence with extra-legal behavior[1] or with the dark side of law enforcement.[2] But violence has also played a pivotal role in our nation’s history and in the development of constitutional law. Simply put, our government has often resorted to acts of “constitutional violence”[3] to effectuate major constitutional change. Consider the stain of slavery. From a practical perspective, it was not the formal enactment of the Thirteenth Amendment that eradicated this peculiar institution. Rather, it was the blood spilled in such costly battles as Bull Run, Chickamauga, and Gettysburg that settled the festering constitutional question of slavery once and for all.[4] The same logic applies to school desegregation and the Little Rock Crisis of 1957. From a practical perspective, it was not the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Cooper v. Aaron[5] that diffused the crisis or that ended school desegregation. Rather, it was President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s reluctant decision to send paratroopers of the 101st “Screaming Eagles” Airborne Division into Arkansas in 1957, a full year before the Supreme Court’s decision in Cooper, that desegregated the iconic Central High School and changed the course of U.S. civil rights .[6]

“In short, momentous constitutional questions are often decided not through ordinary legal channels but by force. But the use of force to effectuate constitutional change poses a constitutional puzzle. In particular, what is the relation between violence and the overall legal system of government created by the Constitution? After all, the federal courts and the Congress do not have their own armies to enforce their decisions or laws. So, as a matter of constitutional first principles, one could argue that a president is acting “within” the law when he uses military force to enforce a law or court order, but at the same time, isn’t the use of military force totally antithetical to the idea of a republican constitution?[7] If so, is there any viable solution to this logical paradox? Eisenhower’s fateful decision to resort to military force during the Little Rock Crisis thus poses a constitutional paradox.[8] Was his use of force itself lawful, and if so, what are the outer limits to this power?”

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States of perpetual emergency

According Ryan Struyk (via CNN), “the US has been in a perpetual state of declared national emergency for four decades, and the country is currently under 31 concurrent states of emergency ….” Do these multiple cries of alarm sound familiar?

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Feliz cumpleaños, Don Quijote

What’s up, doc? The first edition of Book One of Miguel de Cervantes’s Don Quixote (El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha), the first modern novel according to Harold Bloom, was published on this day in 1605 in Madrid.

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Domestic Constitutional Violence

Update (1/17): The paper is now posted on SSRN.

That is the title of my most recent scholarly paper, which I am currently in the process of editing and which will be published in a symposium issue of the Arkansas Law Review this spring. I will be posting an open-access draft of my paper on SSRN (and on this blog) later this week, but in the meantime, here is my abstract:

My paper reframes the 1957 Little Rock Crisis as a paradigm case of domestic constitutional violence, i.e. the power and duty of the president to use military force to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution. First, my paper revisits two obscure Little Rock cases that unsuccessfully attempted to challenge the legality of President Eisenhower’s decision to send paratroopers to Arkansas to desegregate Central High School. Although neither case reached the U.S. Supreme Court, they pose important questions about the legality of domestic constitutional violence in disputes over the meaning of the Constitution. Next, my article explores some potential sources of law authorizing the use of constitutional violence. In brief, there is an over 200-year body of law regulating the use of domestic constitutional violence. On the one hand, the Constitution itself anticipates the possibility of “domestic Violence”; on the other, the Congress has delegated a specific set of powers to the president to deal with certain classes of domestic dangers. Lastly, I conclude by proposing that we call this body of law “the laws of national necessity.”

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Democracy (Twitter edition)

screen shot 2019-01-13 at 4.26.30 pm

Source: Axios

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When books update our priors

Cartoon: book (medium) by Medi Belortaja tagged brain,plants,book,irrigation,educatin

Credit: Medi Berlortaja (h/t @pickover)

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Books about books

Librairie Book Shop, 823 Chartres Street, New Orleans

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Hierarchy of reasons

Credit: Paul Graham; hat tip: @AdamMGrant

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New year, old books

And two old scholarly papers! Here is what I am reading to begin the new year:

  1. Biography/Chess: Tim Crothers, The Queen of Katwe (2013).
  2. Biography/Religion: Fiona MacMath, editor, The Faith of Samuel Johnson (1990).
  3. Comics: Corban Wilkin, Ernest Hemingway’s Old Man and the Sea (2011).
  4. Ethics: Edward J. Gracely, On the Noncomparability of Judgments Made by Different Ethical Theories, Metaphilosophy, Vol. 27, no. 3 (1996), pp. 327-332.
  5. History: Robert W. Coakley, The Role of Federal Military Forces in Domestic Disorders, 1789-1878 (1988).
  6. Law: John Leubsdorf, The Surprising History of the Preponderance Standard of Civil Proof, Florida Law Review, Vol. 67, no. 5 (2015), pp. 1569-1619.
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On the difficulty of predicting the distant future

Reprinted in Tetlock & Gardner (2015), p. 243.

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